Upendra M Pradhan
The Bodo uprising against Assam Cabinet approval for granting of Scheduled Tribe status to six ethnic communities – Tai Ahom, Chutia, Moran, Matak, Koch-Rajbongshi, and Tea Tribe communities has opened a can of political worms. While the Cabinet decision was definitely the trigger, but much has been happening under the surface in Assam, that lead to this outburst. To understand this, we have to go back to 1987.
The demand for a separate Bodo state can be traced back to a memorandum, given to the 1929 Simon Commission requesting for reservations and a separate political entity in areas dominated by Bodos. The demand was periodically revived since 1967. However, it was the All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) lead movement for separate Bodoland state in 1987 following the Assam Accord that created political flutte across the region. The movement lasted till 1993 and lead to the Bodo political consolidation behind the demand, this era also witnessed the emergence of militant groups like Bodo Security Force.
The Accords and the Political Players
In 1993, the first tripartite accord was signed between the Centre, Assam Government and the ABSU, leading to the creating of Bodoland Autonomous Council (BAC) comprising of four districts of Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalguri.
However, in due course of time the Bodos realised that the BAC was powerless. This lead to further agitations led by the Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLT). Following which, a second accord was signed in 2003, between, BLT, the Assam Government and the Centre. This lead to the formation of Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC), which had been given constitutional protection and significant political administrative powers under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. This period also witnessed the establishment of Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), formed by ex-BLT members, who ruled Bodoland region till 2020.
In 2016, BJP had won 60 of the 126 assembly seats in Assam, and they came to power for the first time with support from BPF which had 12 seats, and Assam Gana Parishad (AGP) which had 14 seats.
However, relations between BJP and BPF soured when in 2020, BTC was placed under Governor’s Rule, as elections were deferred due to COVID pandemic.
In 2020, another agreement was signed between government and the Bodo groups including all factions of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB), ABSU and others, leading to the formation of Bodoloand Territorial Region (BTR) comprising of the five districts of Kokrajhar, Baksa, Chirang, Udalguri and Tamulpur with a total area of around 9600 km2 and a population of around 35 lakhs. This provided for more administrative, legislative and financial powers to the regional autonomous body – Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). Following which, the first elections to Bodoland Territorial Region were held.
A twist in the tale
In the first BTR elections held in 2020, the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) emerged with largest number of seats – 17, the United People’s Part Liberal (UPPL) won 12 seats, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 9 seats.
This is where the first kahani-me-twist or the twist-in-the-tale happened.
Instead of continuing with the former ally BPF, BJP decided to support UPPL in BTR, this gave rise to UPPL’s leader Pramod Boro, who became the BTR Chief Executive, and a politician of national repute. This did not sit well with the BPF, who in retaliation joined the Congress Mahajut in 2021.
Uno reversed
Even though things seemed all right on the surface and in the running of the BTR, there was churning happening beneath the surface.
In the mid-2025, Assam Chief Minister Himant Biswa Sarma publicly accused the Village Council Development Committees (VCDC) in the BTC, which are the grassroots governance entities of misusing government funds and corruption. He also accused VCDCs of having excessive control over local governance. This created friction with UPPL which was running BTR and oversees VCDCs under the Sixth Schedule.
Most political observers felt that this is when BJP became over-ambitious, and undertook the strategy of trying to win BTR (BTC) elections on their own. Following the UPPLs outburst against his VCDC statements, Sarma maintained a strategic distance from both UPPL and BPF, in case he needed either one’s support for governing BTR.
In September 2025, second BTC elections were held. The results left BJP in a state of shock. The Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) had returned with full majority, winning 28 seats out of 40. UPPL could register win in only 7 seats, and BJP in only 5 seats.
This brought Bodoland People’s Front back in power in Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC). Following which, BJP realigned themselves with the Hagrama Mohilary led BPF, causing for an uncomfortable situation to develop with UPPL, which is still an Alliance Partner of BJP in the state. In October this year, BPF MLA Charan Boro has been sworn in as a Cabinet Minister, while Urkhao Gwra Brahma, the lone UPPL Minister in the Assam government continues to serve his term.
Assam is now headed for State Assembly Elections in 2026, and the Bodoland Territorial Region may emerge as the major player in deciding Assam’s future.
This is where the Tribal issue takes a centre stage.
The Scheduled Tribe Issue
The Assam Cabinet took a flavourful view of the demand for ST status by Tai-Ahom, Chutia, Moran, Motok, Koch-Rajbongshi and Tea Tribes (adivasis). This has caused the Bodo youths to rebel, as they see this as a dilution of their sphere of privileges.
Many have wondered about the timing of the Assam Cabinet decision, as to why would the Assam Government wade into a controversial topic, right ahead of the Assembly elections? While some see it as BJP fulfilling their commitment to these communities, others view it as a more pragmatic political move, aimed at neutralising the Bodo political pressure, as all these communities belong in the same political sphere, as that occupied by the Bodos. With 41 Assembly seats in play in Bodo-dominated areas, BJP is in a difficult situation. While Chief Minister Himant Biswa Sarma has offered open talks with disgruntled Bodo youths, his “fine balance” with BPF and ULPP are on shaky grounds. In fact, if things don’t play out well for BJP, Himanta will find himself on a sticky wicket.
Hence, the Bodo protests that unfolded recently may not just be about the Scheduled Tribe issue. It may very-well be about who controls Assam post 2026 elections.
*Upendra M Pradhan is a Darjeeling-based political analyst and journalist. His work includes contributions to various publications such as FirstPost, Sikkim Express, Swarajya, ePao Manipur, Statesman, Himalaya Darpan, The Quint, OpIndia and other publications primarily focusing on political and social issues related to Darjeeling, Sikkim, and the North East region. Formerly he has worked as the Political Editor with the Darjeeling Times, and serves as the Editor-at-Large at The Darjeeling Chronicle
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